Recapping the RNC Live Blog: Empty, Confused and Dangerous Education Talk at Trump’s Convention
READ: Full text of Donald Trump’s nomination speech at the GOP convention https://t.co/fP0scq7JHU #RNCinCLE pic.twitter.com/W4w80krJp1
— The Hill (@thehill) July 22, 2016
“Our schools used to be an elevator to the middle class, now they’re stalled on the ground floor. They’re like Soviet-era department stores that are run for the benefit of the clerks and not the customer, for the teachers and the administrators and not the students. You know why other countries do better on K through 12? They let parents choose where to send their own children to school. That’s called competition. It’s called the free market.”
It’s no wonder Trump Jr.’s speech alludes to the U.S.S.R. The ideas he puts forth are just as old and just as outdated.
For a number of reasons, free market principles cannot be responsibly applied wholesale to our public schools. Even though Donald Trump promised in his lengthy acceptance speech to “rescue kids from failing schools by helping their parents send them to a safe school of their choice,” a parent’s ability to make the “best” choice is influenced by so many different factors. Unfortunately, those factors are so often based on poverty, race, gender, immigration status, and disability. In other words, some people – those with economic and social advantage – are the ones who can choose the good schools. The rest are left to pick-over the remains. Obviously, that is not a solution to education inequity. Instead, it reproduces it.
What’s more, the idea of schools competing seems antithetical to the larger goal: providing all students with a high-quality education. In competition there are of course, winners and losers. So, to advocate for school competition is to agree – at least tacitly – that it is natural and good that some students receive a great education, while others receive a poor one.
It’s hard to square Trump’s promises and rhetoric with the policies the Republican Party is putting forth. In last night’s acceptance speech, Trump declared he would make every decision only after considering whether it was in the best interests of the children in Baltimore and Ferguson. It sounds nice. But, when the rubber meets the road, his policies don’t support the interests of the children he claims to want to serve. For example, expanding school choice in Baltimore won’t make the schools families can choose from any better. Choosing between only bad options is no choice at all.
We need the GOP to have better ideas if we are going to improve our schools.
But, I don’t want only to pile on Republicans. Democrats will have their turn – the Democratic National Convention is next week. And, at this point, they seem also to have retreated to their ideological corner. As others have documented, the party turned its back on a number of previous priorities that would have led to improved education for students. Now, Democrats are opposed to using student performance to evaluate teachers. So if student success isn’t related to teachers, then what is? They are also opposed to closing schools due to ongoing poor student performance. Weird. Is there a better reason to close a school than the fact that its students aren’t learning?
Like the GOP, Democrats are rolling back the clock and rolling out ideas with too little tread left on the tires.
At first glance it seems like there cannot be much agreement between these two disparate positions — between a blind faith and reliance on the market, on the one hand, and on the other an equally blind faith that educators should be self-regulating and can improve schools their own. But with a closer look, there is a fertile middle ground where Republicans and Democrats can worry less about free markets or union contracts, and instead focus on students. Prioritizing students — making sure they all have the opportunities Trump’s children had — can be a unifying force. Then we can, together, make real the idea we all espouse to believe in: that a child’s education should not be a function of zip code. Hopefully we have the courage.
— Max Marchitello (Share on Twitter & Share on Facebook)
Finally, Donald Trump’s acceptance speech is here! Some conservatives have been looking forward to this for months. Others, led by the recently defeated #DumpTrump movement, have been dreading it. But for both sides, it will be good to learn more about what a Trump Administration might look like, and his plans to move America forward.
The problem, however, is that Trump lacks a positive vision for the country. Aside from kicking immigrants out, making better deals, and bringing back winning, Trump’s plans are a mystery. Perhaps even to himself.
But that is OK, since he will hire the very best advisers. For K-12 education policy, that could refer to Trump’s top policy adviser and head of his transition team: beleaguered New Jersey Governor Chris Christie.
This would be a disaster.
Christie’s recent big idea on education is to take millions of dollars away from New Jersey’s poorest communities and give them to those who are financially much better off. To make it worse, he calls this “Funding Fairness.” The basic idea is that all students, regardless of their family’s financial circumstance, should receive exactly the same amount of school funding.
If Trump takes this policy national, federal education funding would be stretched well beyond its limit. As a result, low-income students and students of color would lose billions.
As the graph below shows, districts with the highest concentrations of poverty would lose on average $200 per student, while the most affluent districts would on average gain around $220 per student. Under this plan, districts in which over half of their students are low-income would lose about $400,000 on average. Districts with over 75 percent student poverty would lose almost $800,000.
The results are far more serious in large urban school districts with high rates of student poverty. For example, over 85 percent of students in Philadelphia are eligible for free-and reduced-priced lunch, but this proposal would take away over $1,300 per student. Just outside Philadelphia, in Lower Merion School District, where only 8 percent of its students qualify for free-and reduced-priced lunch, the district would receive an additional $250 per student.
The results are even worse for communities of color.
As the graph below shows, if this proposal were federal law, school districts with the highest percentages of students of color would lose on average around $230 per student. Therefore, school districts would actually receive more money per student as the percentage of white students increases.
America’s future is built in the schoolhouse. And, if Trump is serious about making America great again, he will have to develop education proposals far better than this.
— Max Marchitello (Share on Twitter & Share on Facebook)
— Carolyn Phenicie (Share on Twitter & Share on Facebook)
What are we to tell our kids about Donald Trump? When he has spent so much of the past year saying things, doing things and thumbing his nose at things that we would never tolerate from a teenager in a classroom?
Seriously, what would a Donald Trump disciplinary record look like?
Infraction: Talking out of turn
As reported by the New York Times: “After Mr. Trump repeatedly interrupted questions about his plan to ban Muslim immigration from the [MSNBC’s “Morning Joe”] co-host Mika Brzezinski, Mr. Scarborough scolded Mr. Trump for not allowing the hosts to ask the candidate questions and, finally, threatened to send the program into a commercial break if Mr. Trump did not stop speaking.
“Go to break, go to break right now,” Mr. Scarborough eventually demanded.
When Mr. Trump kept talking, Mr. Scarborough interrupted him: “Hold on, Donald. You got to let us ask questions. You can’t just talk.”
Mr. Trump kept talking anyway. “I’m not just talking,” he said.
As the exchange intensified, a clearly displeased Mr. Scarborough repeatedly tried to stop Mr. Trump from speaking over him.”
Punishment: No national TV appearances for a week.
Infraction: Bullying
As reported by Rolling Stone: “When the anchor throws to Carly Fiorina for her reaction to Trump’s momentum, Trump’s expression sours in schoolboy disgust as the camera hones in on Fiorina. ‘Look at that face!’ he cries. ‘Would anyone vote for that? Can you imagine that, the face of our next president?!’ The laughter grows halting and faint behind him. ‘I mean, she’s a woman, and I’m not s’posedta say bad things, but really, folks, come on. Are we serious?’”
Punishment: A 5-page paper on the feminist movement.
Infraction: Truancy
As reported by The Atlantic: “This wasn’t the first time Trump opted to skip a Fox News debate. In January, Trump refused to participate in a debate after accusing network host Megyn Kelly of unfair coverage. Trump instead opted to hold a competing event where he could set the terms of engagement, ensuring that he would not face any kind of awkward confrontation.”
Punishment: Detention with Ms. Kelly.
Infraction: Failure to complete his homework
When asked about the Great Britain’s vote to leave the European Union, Trump was caught unprepared for the pop quiz:
Trump’s fluent discussing media moguls with @MichaelWolffNYC. As for Brexit: https://t.co/nQqSIEaGom pic.twitter.com/pilZsEKWLW
— Michael Calderone (@mlcalderone) June 1, 2016
Punishment: A 5-minute presentation on the history of the European Union.
Infraction: Lying
Of all the Trump statements analyzed by the fact-checking group PolitiFact, only 1 percent turn out to be true. Over half of Trump’s statements were scored as lies.
PolitiFact uses six different categories to measure the truthfulness of statements, ranging from “true” to “mostly false” to “pants on fire.” Trump’s statements were 18 percent “mostly false,” 39 percent “false,” and 19 percent “pants on fire.” President Obama, by comparison, only had 12 percent statements that were “mostly false” and “false” and 2 percent that were “pants on fire.”
Punishment: Chalkboard, “I will not make things up” 100 times.
It’s been quite the week in Cleveland — four days of matching lanyards, plagiarism denials, moody bickering and endless gossip. I can only imagine that everyone is also a little sweaty.
The Republican National Convention, it seems, has been a lot like high school.
— Kirsten Schmitz (Share on Twitter & Share on Facebook)
Depending on whom you ask, charter schools represent either the best of things or the worst of things in the modern education system. This binary hero-villain dialogue plays out time and again among education advocates. It’s so pervasive that it even managed to infiltrate a presidential election that has otherwise been light on K-12 education talk.
Bernie Sanders declared his support for public charter schools, but not private ones in a CNN town hall event last March — belying a fundamental confusion about what charter schools actually are. Last year Hillary Clinton disparaged charter schools with a blanket statement suggesting that they reject serving students who are the “hardest to teach.” And while decrying the federal footprint in education, Donald Trump said he wants more charter schools because “they work, and they work very well.”
The primary flaw with all of these statements is that each one lacks nuance and ignores what is true, what we know, and what we don’t know about charter schools. After all, one of the hallmarks of political campaigns is the reduction of complex issues to simple binaries. Candidates harp on divisive issues and ask voters to pick a side — for or against, good or bad. While this strategy makes for rousing stump, it misleads and under-informs voters about critical policy issues.
Sanders’ confusion about whether charter schools are public or private schools is not uncommon, but it’s easy to clear up. Charter schools are public schools. They are publicly-funded, and they provide education free of charge. The confusion arises because they are often operated by private organizations (a mix of non-profit and for-profit). Some of these private organizations are very good at running schools that achieve amazing outcomes with kids. Some of them are not as good.
Similarly, by painting all charter schools with the same brush, either negatively or positively, both Clinton and Trump ignore the complex reality of what we know about charter schools. (Clinton, I should note, told the NEA convention earlier this month that we should seek to learn from the many good charter schools – that common sense statement drew boos from the crowd).
In practice, who is served best and most often by charter schools varies significantly from state to state and city to city. And the overall quality of charter schools varies, too. In some cities, like Washington DC, charter schools produce an average of 101 days of additional learning in math compared to the surrounding district schools. That’s a tremendous difference. But in Fort Worth, Texas, charter schools underperform district schools on average.
Attempting to define the whole notion of charter schools as either good or bad encourages us to continue to focus on the existential question of whether we should have charter schools at all. And that is simply the wrong question.
What should we be asking instead? On the charter front, simply put, what do we need more of in the charter sector, and what do we need less of? But answering this question requires determining what charter schools’ successes and failures teach us about what factors promote schools’ ability to produce great outcomes for kids, and the evidence isn’t simple. Charter schools now have the same diversity in quality and norms as other public schools and private schools and don’t lend themselves to simple generalizations any more than those other school sectors.
In education, confusion and distortion is not confined to the campaign trail or the debate about charter schools. Across the sector advocates, activists, the media, and other players fail to engage honestly with education’s complicated realities, and instead manipulate or cherry pick the facts to reflect forced (and often false) choices.
We need a new national conversation about education. The foundation of that conversation must be an accurate understanding of what we know, and what we don’t know, about our education system. Where have we succeeded and failed in measuring student learning? How fair is our school funding system? What do we know about what makes a great teacher?
These are the critical debates essential to charting a rational course forward for our schools, and high-quality research and information must inform these conversations. In an effort to support a shift to a more evidence-driven debate, Bellwether Education Partners has launched a new resource — The Learning Landscape — that aims to bring together information from disparate, credible resources on a range of topics in education. The hope is that The Learning Landscape will serve as one tool in moving toward this new and much needed conversation.
Whether it’s charter schools or testing or something else, we won’t get to real solutions without working toward a deeper understanding of a system as nuanced and complex as the 50 million students it serves.
— Jennifer Schiess, Associate Partner at Bellwether Education Partners (Share on Twitter & Share on Facebook)
LGBT advocates are looking to reach and persuade conservative voters tonight with a prime-time TV ad about transgender discrimination that’s set to air on Fox News around the time Donald Trump is accepting the Republican party’s nomination for president.
The ad features a transgender woman from North Carolina who is prevented from using a restroom that corresponds with her gender identity — calling out the controversial state law that bars people from using restrooms that do not correspond with the gender on their birth certificates. However, the ad also speaks to debates — and lawsuits — that have boiled up in schools across the country. One of those lawsuits, filed against a school district in Virginia, is currently being considered by the U.S. Supreme Court.
Despite a GOP platform that opposes the Obama administration’s take on transgender student rights, Donald Trump’s stance on the issue is somewhat unclear. At first, the presumptive Republican presidential nominee appeared to drift away from the Republican base, saying Americans should be able to use whichever bathroom they feel comfortable with.
But he later backed away from that stance, telling TV personality Jimmy Kimmel states should be able to decide on their own.
The stance of Trump’s running mate, Indiana Gov. Mike Pence, is far more straightforward. Pence became a household name when he signed a “religious freedom” bill in 2015 that said religious business owners were not required to participate in same-sex weddings, a stance opponents called discrimination against LGBT customers.
Throughout his time in office, the Obama administration has played a big role in extending protections for LGBT students — from the “It Gets Better” anti-bullying campaign to guidelines for schools to address transgender bathroom issues.
A joint “dear colleague” letter from the U.S. Departments of Education and Justice delivered in May said Title IX, which prohibits sex discrimination in educational programs, applies to a student’s gender identity. The Department of Education also released a set of guidelines.
“This means that a school must not treat a transgender student differently from the way it treats other students of the same gender identity,” read the letter. “The Departments’ interpretation is consistent with courts’ and other agencies’ interpretations of Federal laws prohibiting sex discrimination.”
In response, Pence called the guidelines another example of federal overreach: “I have long believed that education is a state and local function. Policies regarding the security and privacy of students in our schools should be in the hands of Hoosier parents and local schools, not bureaucrats in Washington, D.C. The federal government has no business getting involved in issues of this nature.”
Last week, a Virginia school board called on the U.S. Supreme Court to halt an April decision by the Fourth U.S. Circuit Court of Appeals, which ruled the school district’s bathroom policy violated Title IX when officials said high school junior Gavin Grimm, who was born female but identifies as male, was barred from using the boys’ restroom.
— Mark Keierleber (Share on Twitter & Share on Facebook)
Closing the widening financial knowledge gap is seen by CEE as key to closing the income inequality gap. Read about one award-winning teacher in Pine Bluff, Arkansas who is using reality TV to make financial lessons come alive for her students and test your own economic IQ.
—Kathy Moore (Share on Twitter & Share on Facebook)
Donald Trump has promised to make America great again. One thing he says he won’t look to change? Social Security. While maintaining the Social Security status quo might seem at the very least unobtrusive, it neglects an opportunity to extend coverage to the over 1 million teachers and 6.5 million government workers whose jobs go uncovered.
On February 29, Trump told Georgia rally attendees, “we’re going to save your Social Security without making any cuts. Mark my words.” He made similar remarks at an April rally in Wisconsin — both states, interestingly enough, extend social security coverage to only some of their teachers — and spoke favorably (though without specific recommendations) about preserving the program in a statement to AARP. Though no official stance on the topic appears on his website, and recent adviser statements seem to hedge toward cuts, let’s assume Social Security under Trump remains as is. He’s missing — perhaps not for the first time — an opportunity for real greatness.
While existing state pension plans aren’t offering all workers adequate retirement benefits, Social Security at least offers them a solid floor of benefits. Expanding Social Security would help millions of uncovered workers, including all teachers in California, Illinois, and Ohio (where Trump will be accepting his party’s nomination tonight). Further, universal Social Security coverage would actually reduce the program’s existing deficit by 10% — yes, reduce — by more evenly distributing the program’s legacy costs. While Social Security isn’t designed to take the place of a stand-alone retirement benefit, it would provide all teachers with a much deserved and too often missed baseline of secure, nationally portable retirement benefits.
Neither candidate has broached the idea of universal coverage, though Hillary Clinton has proposed its expansion by increasing benefits for high-need groups, including widows and caretakers. Trump has yet to commit to any one approach – only promising not to make cuts. But to this point neither Clinton nor Trump has taken any steps towards addressing the benefit coverage gap that impacts millions of educators, many of whom will ostensibly head to the polls in November.
Last night, Donald Trump’s running mate Mike Pence admitted to the Republican National Convention audience that he started his political career as a Democrat. In fact, he grew up idolizing John F. Kennedy.
Given his experience on the other side of the aisle, one might assume that Pence would value bipartisan cooperation. But his razor-sharp line of attack against Hillary Clinton Wednesday evening, and his tumultuous working relationship with Indiana’s highest-ranking elected Democrat, Glenda Ritz, suggests otherwise.
It’s no secret that Ritz, Indiana’s State Superintendent of Public Instruction, and Pence have disagreed on education policy. Some go as far as saying the two have been at war, often leaving education leaders and practitioners in Indiana unsure of where the state is headed on issues affecting students in the Hoosier state.
The dysfunctional relationship was on display recently when Pence and Ritz disagreed over whether to hold teachers accountable for student achievement during the transition to new state assessments. Pence originally rejected the idea, only later to backpedal and align with Ritz on a proposal she presented more than a year earlier — but not before alienating teachers by leaving them in the dark about the future of their evaluation process.
Granted, Pence and Ritz were working on rocky ground from the start. It began when Ritz unexpectedly defeated the state’s previous Superintendent of Public Instruction, Tony Bennett, a Republican. As a former elementary school librarian and president of her school district’s teachers union, Ritz was backed by the state’s teachers union, which opposed many of the policies state Republican leaders had been working to institutionalize. But from the moment Ritz was elected, Pence dug his heels in, declaring that the state’s education overhaul started under Bennett would not be undone.
And so the impasse began. In their first year working together, Pence signed an executive order to create an agency that teachers unions viewed as an attempt to bypass Ritz’s decision-making power. The agency, named the “Center for Education and Career Innovation,” had the vague goal of “improving collaboration among Indiana’s public, private and nonprofit education and workforce partners by aligning education and career and workforce training efforts.” Republican legislators and business leaders saw it as a way to coordinate disparate agencies; teachers unions and Democrats viewed it as the state’s second department of education. The agency folded under heated controversy after less than two years.
Pence’s relationship with teachers unions is — not surprisingly — contentious compared to Hillary Clinton’s (and likely that of her future running mate). Clinton has promised she will be a “partner” to teachers in the White House. But neither candidate’s relationship is ideal. Collaboration with special interest groups is necessary, but complete agreement often doesn’t produce the kinds of difficult conversations that lead to improved policy.
Politicians need to play nice and collaborate to address the tough challenges facing our nation’s schools. But if the Pence/Ritz saga, and is any indication of the kind of Vice President Pence would be, we’re in store for even more partisan gridlock in a Trump administration.
Spearheaded and signed by a Republican governor, No Child Left Behind passed both houses of congress with overwhelming support. The creation of the Common Core academic standards was backed by a bipartisan coalition of 48 governors and supported by conservative education leaders like Jeb Bush and William Bennett.
Much has changed since then. Republican supporters of the Common Core have all but evaporated in response to political pressure; presidential nominee Donald Trump has strongly denounced the standards; Republicans in Congress sided with teachers unions to weaken test-based accountability in the new national education law and ensure the feds can’t require teacher evaluations; and the Republican platform criticizes “excessive testing and ‘teaching to the test.’”
Has the long Republican love affair with testing and accountability in education come to an end? Well, it depends on whether you’re looking at national or state policy.
On a federal level, it’s clear that Republicans have deeply soured on any federally driven approach, for several reasons.
The Common Core was seen (mostly incorrectly) as an Obama initiative and new tests of the standards were funded by the administration. Implementation of the standards across the country was met by a surge of resistance to “federal overreach.” Testing grew substantially, driven by new teacher evaluation methods, pushed by the feds, requiring student data. A slew of conspiracy theories and misconceptions about the standards flourished in right-of-center forums and media.
All these factors conspired to make the GOP more hostile to standards-based reform, particularly when it comes from the federal government.
Education policy by and large gets made on the state level, however, and it’s probably too soon to judge how much local Republicans have cooled on these reforms — though support has clearly (if not uniformly) waned.
Take Colorado, a cradle of reform and a good example of how partisan lines have become more confusing than ever. When students increasingly opted out of state tests, the teachers union and conservatives in the legislature worked together to reduce testing. Previously solid Republican support for standards and testing had begun to break apart.
By contrast, an effort to remove test scores from Colorado’s controversial teacher evaluation system — which passed in 2010 with significant support from the GOP — was blocked by Republicans on the state senate education committee.
In California, where state Democrats have steadfastly opposed test-based accountability for schools and teachers under Governor Jerry Brown, the Republican minority has called for reforms to teacher evaluation and tenure. Still, the state party opposes Common Core.
In Florida — a stalwart for conservative standards-based reform under Jeb Bush — Republican Governor Rick Scott signed an aggressive evaluation law in 2011 that incorporated student test scores. Last year lawmakers approved a bipartisan bill, signed by Scott, to let districts reduce (but not eliminate) how test scores factor into teacher evaluation and to shrink students’ total testing load. Jeb Bush’s education reform group supported the recent law. The structure of Scott’s evaluation system appears to remain largely intact, however.
These states aren’t necessarily representative of the whole country — and that’s part of the point. Although it’s clear that in many respects both state and national Republicans have backed away from testing and accountability, it’s hard to generalize. Many state-level Republicans are hostile to the Common Core and sympathetic to concerns about over-testing, but in some places there is continued support for teacher evaluation connected to test scores.
Education in the U.S. remain based largely on local and state politics; the evolving Republican position on testing, standards, and accountability will be as well.
Center for Education Reform CEO Jeanne Allen sends in this essay:
Donald Trump’s attacks on Hillary Clinton were returned recently at the annual meeting of the American Federation of Teachers, the nation’s second-largest union, and the one representing most of the urban teachers in this country.
“Mike Pence is one of the most extreme vice presidential picks in a generation,” Clinton said. “And he’s one of the most hostile politicians in America when it comes to public education. Neither Mike Pence nor Donald Trump should be anywhere near our children’s education.”
Those words were the equivalent of throwing red meat to the wolves, as the union crowd erupted into cheers, hoots, and hollers.
Similarly, education reformers — activists, donors, lawmakers — are taking sides and reacting across social media, each about their respective outrages.
I understand how it is to feel adamant about a candidate. I have tweeted my way through a political season. But advocates for true education reform must be willing to pass judgment on policy positions before condemning policy proponents.
Such unity hardly seems possible when Clinton’s union supporters are feeding anti-school choice talking points to legions of members that their schools will disappear under a Trump-Pence administration. And Trump supporters organized in the blogosphere use different calling cards to strike a similar fear in parents, focusing on the impact a Clinton administration would have on the hearts and minds of their children, with the loss of local control and teachers unions in charge of the U.S. Department of Education.
Finding any middle path or “common” ground will be hard. And for many ed reformers, the pair of candidates presents a Hobson’s choice.
But it need not be so.
We have, as the saying goes, no permanent allies nor permanent enemies, just a never-ending interest in bettering education. Those who care passionately about education should be willing to work with anyone who is equally as passionate.
It doesn’t mean they will get your vote. But we need their ear now, and we need an open door with whoever wins. We must be willing to recognize any candidate that supports the core policies and principles of education innovation and opportunity, or call them out for their opposition, no matter who they are or what they espouse on other issues that may be near and dear to our hearts.
Why? Because history shows us that this is how we succeed.
The development of education reform is rich in strange bedfellows that locked arms in and outside of elections. People came together on policies that disrupted the status quo, recognizing that the most important issue facing our country is the education of our youth.
Wisconsin state Rep. Polly Williams was a member of the Black Panthers. She was also a partner with Conservative Republican Gov. Tommy Thompson to make vouchers a reality for poor children in Milwaukee and pave the way for greater school improvement throughout Wisconsin.
The fact that Democrats once called Pennsylvania Gov. Tom Ridge every name in the book didn’t stop state Rep. Dwight Evans, an African-American Philadelphian who is now in line to enter Congress, from uniting with Ridge to create the state’s charter school law. Republicans fought against it to preserve local control, and Democrats fought against it to preserve the current system’s power. Sound familiar?
And in Cleveland, where the Republican Party is current perched, the late great City Councilwoman Fannie Lewis told everyone that she didn’t care who she worked with so long as they could help save her babies in her city. She joined hands with George Voinovich, a Republican governor, and free market, conservative donors to fight for school choice. And fight they did, all the way to the U.S. Supreme Court.
At least a dozen other such alliances have had transformational results in education in cities and states nationwide. Florida’s scholarship programs enjoy majority support in the black and Latino caucuses, even among Democrats. They partner with Republican Gov. Rick Scott, their arch-nemesis, on other issues.
Polar opposites and divisions in reform have always existed, but for years, politicians were willing to look beyond the most extreme of differences, because reformers did too.
Truly committed to education opportunity?
On the same page in support of policies and practices that produce the innovation, flexibility, and transparency to create those opportunities that hold the key to better schools for all children?
Then let’s put down our ideological swords, roll up our sleeves, and make it happen.
Let’s go back to the future. Lawmakers in statehouses nationwide and in Congress would welcome it. Policymakers and think tank researchers want it.
And our kids deserve it.
— Jeanne Allen (Share on Twitter & Share on Facebook)
Despite Donald Trump Jr.’s surprise edu-talk whirlwind during last night’s main convention proceedings, there’s been little in the way of official RNC-sponsored education discussion during the Cleveland convention.
This morning, though, panelists Betsy DeVos of the American Federation for Children; Denisha Merriweather, a recipient of Florida’s tax-credit scholarship; and Rep. Luke Messer of Indiana gathered to talk about the future of school choice.
1.) It’s a winning way for Republicans to talk about education
One of the main Republican planks at the federal level has been to abolish the Department of Education – an idea that backfires and can leave parents with the false impression that Republicans don’t care about education, Messer said.
School choice, though, empowers parents and devolves power on education back to individuals, which both comports with a conservative ethos about the proper place of government and is good publicity. He suggested sending the roughly $15 billion the federal government spends annually on Title I programs to help students from low-income families to parents to help fund other education options.
“We are not suggesting we create a federal department of school choice,” Messer added, to laughter from the audience.
2.) Personal stories matter
Merriweather told her own story of personal success aided by school choice – one she’s recounted to the press and in congressional hearings.
Born to a 16-year-old mother, Merriweather bounced around living situations and was homeless for a time as a young child. She was resistant to authority and failed the third grade twice. By middle school, she ended up living with her godmother, who used a Florida scholarship program to send Merriweather to a private Christian school where she flourished.
The teachers there “truly loved me, and that was something that I didn’t feel before going to school,” she said. “They not only invested in me academically, but it became a family for me. I think that was the most important part of being there.”
Merriweather became the first in her family to graduate from high school and college, and is now studying to get her master’s in social work at the University of South Florida.
“The cycle of poverty is breaking in my family’s life thanks to this choice program and I hope it continues to grow in every state,” she said.
3.) Education is, as an industry, stuck in the past
American schools are stuck in the same 150-year-old model that puts kids in an “industrial machine,” sending them through the same system with the goal of a college diploma, regardless of a particular student’s strengths or goals, Devos said.
“If we had the kind of innovation in education that we’ve seen in tech and transportation and virtually any other part of society…we would have an entirely different educational offering today,” DeVos said.
Although the panel focused primarily on private school options, Devos said school choice really referred to everything from great public schools and charters to vouchers and online options — to options that haven’t yet been dreamed of.
“I think it’s important for us to paint the biggest picture about what education can be in the future,” she added.
(The Dick and Betsy DeVos Family Foundation is a funder of The 74.)
@FHSBlazer student journalists headed to GOP convention https://t.co/roV8bppkdi pic.twitter.com/4b2VQc7z8N
Tune in to @ABC12WJRT to see @hollyisrad, @g4bri3Il3 and I talk to @Dmaloneytv about @FHSBlazer at @GOPconvention! pic.twitter.com/DlhqMuW4Ll
The theme for the RNC festivities last night – Make America Work Again – sounds a lot more like a parents’ reprimand to their recalcitrant teenager than an economic vision for the country. “Alright America. Get off the couch and go get a job. Or so help me, you’re grounded. No TV for a week!”
The underlying assumption here is that Americans aren’t working. That the country is bleeding jobs. But it is 2016, not 2008, and the facts just don’t bear out. The unemployment rate is under 5 percent, and nearly 300,000 jobs were created last month. In fact, the United States has bounced back from the economic crisis of 2008 better than almost any country in the world.
But jobs and the economy were scarcely mentioned during last night’s program. Instead, we heard at length from Trump family members, and speech after speech was dedicated to attacking Hillary Clinton. Whether you like Clinton or not, questioning her emailing habits or staging a mock indictment makes for poor economics.
Ultimately, the evening turned out to be a diversion from many of the real issues facing the country, namely: how to plan for the 21st century economy?
The answer lies, at least in part, in our schools. Millions of our students graduate high school without the critical thinking and problem-solving skills necessary to be successful in the labor market. Many more do not graduate at all. Unless we make a change, the result will be a growing labor pool that is not suited for available jobs.
With that in mind, Trump and Vice President hopeful Governor Mike Pence will need to reverse their positions on things like the Common Core. They can be angry that the federal government provided incentives to adopt them, but they should not undermine states’ ability to implement higher and better standards for their students.
Although his record on Trump University doesn’t instill much confidence, Trump will need to develop a comprehensive plan to expand access and support college completion for more American students. With over 30 million adults lacking a high school credential, he will also need to build a far more robust adult education and job training program.
These problems are urgent. They are an economic imperative. It is disheartening that the first two days of the Republican National Convention have not dealt seriously with the education challenges we face.
“Competition is why I’m very much in favor of school choice. Let schools compete for kids. I guarantee that if you forced schools to get better or close because parents didn’t want to enroll their kids there, they would get better.”
One would be forgiven for assuming this statement originated from an op-ed penned by a school choice advocate — or from a speech given by a charter school leader. But in fact, it appears in Donald Trump’s 2015 book Great Again. In it, the Republican presidential nominee swears his allegiance to school choice and competition, even mentioning charter advocates’ favorite research.
“Stanford University’s Center for Research on Education Outcomes looked at the impact charter schools have made in 41 urban areas,” Trump writes. “They report that charter school students, compared to students in public schools, learn 40 days more advanced in math, and 28 more days in reading. That is significant no matter how you look at it.”
Although Trump hasn’t talked much about school choice on the campaign trail — he’s focused on (fact-challenged) opposition to the Common Core standards and broad complaints about the American education system — the statements in his recent book make clear where he stands on the issue of charter schools.
Again, though, you could be forgiven for assuming that a nominee’s past statement praising charters and competition would be a cause for celebration by leaders in the charter movement.
But you would be wrong, as Trump is no ordinary candidate; some even fear that the perception of charters will suffer if Trump starts to vocally embrace them.
“The best thing Donald Trump can do for the education reform movement is to ignore education. His embrace of charter schools and school choice would do nothing but tarnish their ‘brands,'” said Michael Petrilli, president of The Fordham Institute, a conservative education think tank. “I hope he stays focused on other issues — and loses big in November.”
Greg Richmond, head of the National Association of Charter School Authorizers, said Trump’s opposition to the Common Core standards actually undermines and contradicts his stated support for charters.
“Trump has not said a lot about charter schools, though he seems to like them. He has said more about the Common Core and accountability but his positions are hard to decipher. He is against the Common Core and ‘mindless standardized tests’ but he is for accountability. I don’t know how you have good public schools that work for kids, including charter schools, without standards and assessments,” Richmond said.
Marc Porter Magee of the school reform advocacy group 50Can downplayed Trump’s significance in the broader charter school discussion: “It’s difficult to imagine what an actual Trump presidency would look like, but it’s likely that controversies on other issues would overwhelm questions about school choice. I’m confident that no matter what happens, the one issue we will not be talking about on January 20, 2017 is school choice.”
When asked whether his group is at least glad Trump has indicated support for charters, Magee said only, “We will be glad when this election is over. Then we will all need to engage in the difficult work of putting the pieces of our democratic culture back together.”
Nina Rees, president of the National Alliance for Public Charter Schools, was less critical, but still tepid: “Trump has indicated that he is a charter school supporter and a big local control advocate. While we think empowering parents to select a high quality charter public school of choice is the way to bolster local control, the candidate has not expressly defined how he will support the growth of charter schools if elected President.”
These reactions — ranging from hostile to lukewarm — are hardly surprising, considering the tough spot charter advocates are in politically. On the one hand, Trump has a real chance of becoming president and insofar as he actually supports school choice, advocates might be pleased.
But to the contrary, Trump — with his well-documented bigotry and general policy incoherence — is a toxic political brand as well as a tough candidate for many advocates to support personally. (This doesn’t even begin to touch on how leaders of actual charter schools might feel — surely many are horrified at the example Trump sets for their students.)
Worryingly for choice backers, if Trump starts talking up charters in the debates or on the campaign trail, support for them could suffer.
Rees, however, points out, “The charter brand is already established in many ways. What’s unique here is the fact that since their inception 25 years ago, charter schools have consistently received strong bipartisan support from presidential candidates from both sides of the aisle. That’s the great thing about the charter school movement. Every presidential nominee, regardless of party, and every president has supported the charter school movement.”
Looking ahead to the Democratic National Convention in Philadelphia, charter schools may actually be a more tenuous political proposition among Democrats. President Obama and his administration have strongly backed charter schools. Although Hillary Clinton has also indicated some support for charters, she’s also raised pointed criticism, which are echoed in amendments that have been proposed to the official Democratic platform.
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He just floated a controversial school funding formula. Christie rocked New Jersey’s political establishment earlier this year when he announced a proposal to give every school district in the state the same amount of funding per student. Dubbed the “Fairness Formula,” the plan would slash urban school budgets while lowering property taxes in the suburbs. One analysis found that cities with many poor black and Hispanic students could lose millions of dollars in funding — forcing them to make massive tax increases, layoffs, and program cuts.
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He flip-flopped on the Common Core — sort of. Six years ago New Jersey became one of the first states to adopt the new standards, about which he once said he “agreed more with the president than not.” The state subsequently replaced its annual state test with PARCC, a series of digital exams aligned with the Common Core. Just a few weeks before his presidential campaign announcement, however, Christie said the standards — which most Republicans view unfavorably — are “simply not working” and appointed a state task force to review them. The task force did release revised standards but one has to squint to find many differences with the Common Core. The state has also continued to administer the PARCC exam.
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He supports charter schools. Soon after Christie ended his own presidential bid and endorsed Trump, he said he would advocate for expanded charter schools during the remainder of his term. During Christie’s administration, charter schools (particularly those run by well-known operators such as KIPP and Uncommon Schools) have expanded exponentially in troubled urban school systems controlled by the state.
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He overhauled teacher tenure. In 2012, Christie signed a law (backed by the state teachers union) that required teachers to serve four instead of three years before gaining tenure; During that probationary time, they had to earn positive ratings for two of the last three years. At any time during their career, teachers who were negatively rated for two years in a row be fired.
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He’s willing to make enemies. Christie’s image as a pugnacious straight-talker has been burnished by his attacks on critics of his education agenda. He has repeatedly said that teachers unions deserve “a punch in the face,” alleging that they don’t work on behalf of children. He has also been dismissive of complaints about charter expansion by the mayor of Newark, whose school system Christie controls, telling him,, “I’m the decider and you have nothing to do with it.”
We know our nation’s education system is failing its students. Every 26 seconds a child drops out of school, and those who do stay enrolled are unprepared for the future. Our nation’s National Assessment of Educational Progress, or NAEP, scores are flatlining and recent results show nearly two-thirds of 8th graders are not proficient in either math or reading. Of the students who do graduate from high school and go on to college, nearly 1 in 4 of them will require remedial classes their first year at a university or community college.
Every child in this country deserves access to a world-class education, and we need a solution to give children the opportunity to attend a great school and succeed well into the future.
School choice programs across the country have offered alternatives to children stuck in failing schools. The life-changing scholarships offered through these programs give students the chance to attend a school that suits their individual needs and interests immediately. During the 2015-16 school year, over 390,000 children took advantage of an educational choice program in their state. Not only are parents taking advantage of these programs, but they’re also extremely popular with 70% of likely voters expressing support for school choice.
That’s why school choice is coming to Cleveland this week in full force. Tonight in the midst of the 2016 Republican National Convention, the American Federation for Children, the nation’s voice for educational choice, will host a reception to highlight school choice and celebrate the victories of the movement.
The highlight of the evening will be a discussion between Wisconsin Governor Scott Walker and AFC board member/74 Editor-in-Chief Campbell Brown about the impact of school choice. Both are leaders in the educational choice movement, with Brown’s commitment to informing the public about education issues and Governor Walker’s passionate support of school choice in Wisconsin, where over 32,000 students enrolled in a school choice program this past school year alone.
Tune in to a livestream of tonight’s reception, Creating Hope and Opportunity, beginning at 5:00pm EST. AFC is also hosting a reception at the Democratic National Convention to raise awareness to the importance of school choice in all forms, including public school choice and quality charter schools. The reception will feature Lisa Leslie and Jalen Rose.
— Krista Carney (Share on Twitter & Share on Facebook)
— Andy Rotherham (Share on Twitter & Share on Facebook)
The Republican platform has been revised and approved, and is perhaps the most thorough recent discussion of the party’s prevailing view on education policy. Here are six things every parent, teacher and education observer should know about where the GOP now stands on America’s classrooms:
Bipartisan distaste for testing: The 2016 Republican platform “rejects excessive testing and ‘teaching to the test’ and supports the need for strong assessments to serve as a tool so teachers can tailor teaching to meet student needs.” What’s especially notable here is that this is not all that different from the Democratic stance, which says in part, “We are also deeply committed to ensuring that we strike a better balance on testing so that it informs, but does not drive, instruction. To that end, we encourage states to develop a multiple measures approach to assessment.” (Though note that this last excerpt is based on amendment that was approved by the platform committee; the document hasn’t been finalized yet by the Democratic delegates.)
Support for school choice (no matter the type): The GOP platform says “we support options for learning, including home-schooling, career and technical education, private or parochial schools, magnet schools, charter schools, online learning, and early-college high schools. We especially support the innovative financing mechanisms that make options available to all children: education savings accounts (ESAs), vouchers, and tuition tax credits.”
It’s notable that there is no distinction made between different types of schooling options, nor any substantive discussion about ensuring only quality options. For instance, recent evidence has found that virtual schools and vouchers lead to lower test scores for participants — but most of this evidence is grounded in testing, which, as previously stated, the party seems skeptical about.
No fans of Common Core: The platform says, “we likewise repeat our long-standing opposition to the imposition of national standards and assessments, encourage the parents and educators who are implementing alternatives to Common Core, and congratulate the states which have successfully repealed it.”
The United Nations may be brainwashing us: The platform calls for “a constitutional amendment to protect that right from interference by states, the federal government, or international bodies such as the United Nations.” Why this would be necessary is unclear, but it may be alluding to conspiracy theories related to the Common Core, including the idea that it is part of an international plot (led by the U.N. natch) to brainwash students and takeover American education.
More money, same problems: Republicans are not fans of spending money to improve education: “The United States spends an average of more than $12,000 per pupil per year in public schools, for a total of more than $620 billion. That represents more than 4 percent of GDP devoted to K-12 education in 2011-2012. Of that amount, federal spending amounted to more than $57 billion. Clearly, if money were the solution, our schools would be problem-free.” This squares with the view of Trump surrogate (though not veep) Chris Christie, who recently proposed gutting school funding in New Jersey. However, most research evidence shows that spending more money on education does in fact improve student outcomes.
Plenty of overlap with 2012: The 2016 platform is substantially similar to 2012 version. In fact, it’s nearly identical in some places.
2016 — “In sum, on the one hand enormous amounts of money are being spent for K-12 public education with overall results that do not justify that spending level. On the other hand, the common experience of families, teachers, and administrators forms the basis of what does work in education. In Congress and in the states, Republicans are bridging the gap between those two realities.”
2012 — “In sum, on the one hand enormous amounts of money are being spent for K-12 public education with overall results that do not justify that spending. On the other hand, the common experience of families, teachers, and administrators forms the basis of what does work in education. We believe the gap between those two realities can be successfully bridged, and Congressional Republicans are pointing a new way forward with major reform legislation.”
2016 — “Their D.C. Opportunity Scholarship Program should be expanded as a model for the rest of the country. We deplore the efforts of Congressional Democrats and the current President to eliminate this successful program for disadvantaged students in order to placate the leaders of the teachers’ unions.”
2012 — “The Republican-founded D.C. Opportunity Scholarship Program should be expanded as a model for the rest of the country. We deplore the efforts by Congressional Democrats and the current President to kill this successful program for disadvantaged students in order to placate the leaders of the teachers’ unions.”
Melania Trump, the wife of presumptive Republican presidential nominee Donald Trump, used her speech Monday to pay tribute to her parents, who taught her about the importance of hard work, keeping your word and treating people with respect — values she says she hopes to pass on to her children and kids around the country.
If I were grading that speech in my class, @realDonaldTrump Um, F for #plagiarism Nice start to the convention Donald.
— Millicent B Accardi (@TopangaHippie) July 19, 2016
Just a PSA to my students: you’ll fail the class for 7% plagiarism. https://t.co/EcdoYbW1ld
— Erin Celello (@erincelello) July 19, 2016
If I were grading who wrote Melania’s speech in my journalism class, the grade would go from a charitable B to a F due to plagiarism
— Alan Pergament (@StillTalkinTV) July 19, 2016
At the American Federation of Teachers biennial event in Minneapolis, Clinton said Pence “turned away millions of federal dollars that could’ve expanded access to preschool for low-income children,” Politico reported.
Unlike Trump, Pence has an extensive record on education policy. In 2014, Pence signed a law making Indiana the first state to pull away from the Common Core State Standards. He’s also worked to expand the state’s voucher program and charter schools.
But when it comes to preschool, his stance has been all over the map. In 2014, he made a rare appearance to convince Republican Indiana legislators to back a statewide pilot pre-school program. He then rejected a federal education grant to expand preschool programs, only to later apply for the federal dollars.
Clinton has long supported universal preschool. During a campaign stop in May, Clinton also announced a major proposal to double down on a home visitation program for low-income families. Through the program, which was implemented through a Patient Protection and Affordable Care Act provision, interested pregnant women and new parents receive regular, planned home visits from nurses and social workers to improve maternal and child health, prevent child abuse, encourage positive parenting practices, and better prepare at-risk children for school.
Calling Pence “one of the most hostile politicians in America when it comes to public education,” Clinton used the AFT speech to respond to a common talking point among prominent GOP leaders — from Trump to Texas Sen. Ted Cruz — that the U.S. Department of Education should be shut down.
“That agency might not always get it right, but it provides support for vital programs from pre-K to Pell Grants and crucial resources to help low income students, students with disabilities, and English-language learners,” Clinton said. “So Donald Trump would leave our most vulnerable students to fend for themselves.”
Melania promises the ‘best’ education system — but Trump has a lot of work to do to live up to his wife’s promises
Melania Trump, the keynote and highlight of Monday night’s Republican National Convention, delivered a positive and optimistic speech that capped an otherwise contentious evening. Setting all plagiarism controversy aside, Trump was thankful, patriotic, and fiercely supportive of her husband.
- Hold states accountable for improving the performance of struggling students. For years states have gotten away with providing some students with a world class education while giving others the short end of the stick. It’s not fair. And, it’s not a smart way to plan for America’s future. Trump will need to make sure that states take their obligations to all students, but particularly students of color and low-income students. In all likelihood this will mean confrontations between the federal government and states. Hopefully Trump won’t shy away from those fights.
- Make sure that disadvantaged students get more not less funding. It is an unfortunate fact that America is among only a handful of countries that spends less money on the education of its poorest students than their more affluent peers. It’s backward and unproductive. Yet, the problem has persisted for decades. If Trump is serious about providing all students with the best possible education, he will need to make sure that disadvantaged students get their fair share of funding. This will mean giving them more money.
- Improve the teacher pipeline. Good teaching matters. But, for disadvantaged students it is often in short supply. Since the pay is so low and the hours so long, schools struggle to retain their talent. To make matters worse, schools of education are preparing teachers for classrooms that have long since faded into history. We need to rethink teacher compensation and revamp teacher prep to meet the demands of today’s schools and labor market.
#NewHampshire delegate says ‘brown shirt fascists’ shut down #NeverTrump movement during rules fight at #RNC2016 https://t.co/9DjIUAZD43
I am very disappointed that states have walked off #RNC2016 convention floor, opposing @realDonaldTrump. This isn’t way to unite @GOP.
Colorado delegates at #RNC2016 tell me Trump team is trying to seat the state’s alternates to boot Cruz delegates who walked out #copolitics
Live coverage of #RNC2016 pic.twitter.com/FCu2YjXfm3
“This madness has to stop. Watching the news from Baton Rouge yesterday, my heart broke. Not just for those officers and their grieving families but for all of us,” Clinton said while addressing the NAACP’s annual convention in Cincinnati, Ohio.
5 things the Pence pick could mean for the future of federal education policy
Although he has only been Governor for a few years, Pence also served in the U.S. House of Representatives. Putting those records together, Bellwether Education Partners’ Max Marchitello takes stock of what the Pence pick could possibly mean for the future of public education.
Prime-time in Cleveland: Who’s on tap to speak tonight at the RNC
- Senator Tom Cotton
- Former NYC mayor Rudy Giuliani
- Sen. Joni Ernst
- Melania Trump
- TV actor and producer Scott Baio, known for his characters in such hit television shows as “Happy Days,” “Joanie Loves Chachi,” and “Charles In Charge.”
- Rick Perry, former governor of Texas.
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Willie Robertson, CEO of Duck Commander and star of “Duck Dynasty.”
Gov. Kasich touts Cleveland Schools at NAACP convention; no plans to speak at RNC
Many rise to give standing ovation to Kasich as he leaves stage @NAACP. @WCPO pic.twitter.com/EyybsIng01
— paula christian (@PaulaChristian_) July 17, 2016
Report: Trump will name prospective cabinet, including Secretary of Education, at Convention
Breitbart reports that Donald Trump is ready to make the unprecedented move of using the stage of the Republican National Convention to announce prospective members of his cabinet, including the Secretary of Education.
Citing the comments of close Trump confidant Roger Stone in a radio interview set to air Sunday evening, Brietbart’s Aaron Klein quotes Stone as saying: “I think that Trump is going to name a prospective cabinet and there is of course a way to do this in a way that is perfectly legal…I think you could take that to the bank.”
While it is illegal to promise someone a federal job, Stone said Trump’s team can easily work around the legal issue to add to the RNC spectacle: “Technically of course to promise someone a federal job is a crime so Trump could theoretically say, ‘For CIA Director I would appoint General Mike Flynn or someone like him.’ ‘For Secretary of State, I would appoint, who knows, you know, Aaron Klein or someone like him.’”
Stone also told Klein that Trump was inclined to name cabinet members that fall well outside the GOP establishment, and that he wants to use the convention as a way of telegraphing to potential voters that he would not be the prototypical Republican president.
Read more about Trump’s expected announcement on Brietbart.
GOP platform turns against public early education
While most of the political world was focused on Donald Trump’s short list for running mate, and the upcoming vote in the Republican rules committee on the so-called “conscience clause” (which we watched fizzle at Thursday night’s meeting), new education priorities were being spelled out in the official GOP platform.
One big platform shift puts the party at odds with a common talking point among Democrats, about expanding access to universal pre-k.
As reported by the Dallas Morning News, last week’s platform amendments included language that would reject national prekindergarten outright, decrying pre-k for inserting “the state in the family relationship in the very early stages of a child’s life.”
With both college costs and pre-k access leading the national education conversation, the new GOP language on early education could easily become a wedge issue in this year’s election — as could Mike Pence’s controversial record on Common Core standards, school funding, and his rejection of federal funds to expand Indiana’s pre-k programs. (Read our complete breakdown of Pence’s education priorities while governor)
The new GOP platform amendments will be put to a vote at the convention.
9 a.m. Sunday
Will Pence’s recent push on CTE shape education conversation at RNC?
He appeared in front of Congress a year ago to talk about the Hoosier State’s recent CTE initiatives, and cited a career education focus as one way to boost graduation rates and lift students’ optimism about their future employment prospects.
Pence talks career education on Capitol Hill — @shellawish reports: http://t.co/vCcqWnifkK
— WISH-TV (@WISH_TV) February 4, 2015
Given how little Donald Trump has actually said about education — in comparing Trump and Pence on key issues, even the New York Times found it difficult to say much more than “Mr. Trump has said little about his education plans other than that he is against Common Core and that ‘education has to be at a local level'” — Pence’s priorites are sure to shape the education focus of both the convention and the ticket. If that does indeed turn out to be true, pushing CTE will likely be front and center for the Republicans.
Jeb Bush publishes blistering anti-Trump essay that looks to the future of the GOP
Indiana’s Superintendent warns America about Mike Pence’s ‘abysmal’ education record
7:30 a.m. Saturday
Tim Tebow will not be speaking in Cleveland
But Tebow took to social media Friday calling it all “a rumor,” and was emphatic that he had no plans to speak in Cleveland next week:
The fact that Tim Tebow was supposedly speaking at the RNC was news…to Tim Tebow https://t.co/7co1FXtc1Y
— NowThis (@nowthisnews) July 15, 2016
Essay: If you want to stand up for today’s students, you must stand against Donald Trump
Frequent 74 contributor Conor Williams recently weighed in with an impassioned essay about how Donald Trump’s devolving rhetoric clashes with the attitudes and diversity to be found at today’s schools.
As we’ve neared the GOP convention, his piece has again taken off on social media — you can read it in its entirety here — but Williams’ case, in a nutshell, is that “the best reason that Trump must be wholeheartedly rejected is already on view in our schools. Students of color, often lumped together as ‘minorities,’ make up a majority of U.S. school enrollment — and their numbers are projected to grow significantly over time.
“Many of these young children are Americans of Latino descent, who eat dinner each night with their immigrant parents — the people Trump describes as venal, evil criminals. Many of these young children pray to Allah while fulfilling their scouting duties in the evenings and on weekends.
Indiana post-Pence: K-12 House leader Todd Rokita jumps into governor’s race
Now that Indiana Gov. Mike Pence has officially withdrawn from his re-election bid to become Donald Trump’s vice presidential pick, the race is on to find another Republican to run for his seat.
Almost immediately, two current members of Congress, Rep. Todd Rokita and Rep. Susan Brooks withdrew their names from the ballot for their congressional seats. (Indiana law prohibits them from running for two offices at once) Whoever Indiana Republicans select as their nominee will face John Gregg, a former speaker of the state House and Pence’s opponent in 2012.
Trump tweets running mate, immediately gets trolled
I am pleased to announce that I have chosen Governor Mike Pence as my Vice Presidential running mate. News conference tomorrow at 11:00 A.M.
— Donald J. Trump (@realDonaldTrump) July 15, 2016
.@realDonaldTrump pic.twitter.com/gDKIJu0qj2
— Dave Itzkoff (@ditzkoff) July 15, 2016
7:10 a.m. Friday
In the weeks leading up to Thursday’s session, speculation swirled around this year’s Republican National Convention Rules Meeting, with multiple proposals from the “Never Trump” caucus designed to liberate currently pledged GOP delegates to vote for someone other than Donald Trump.
But as the committee extended its session long into the evening hours last night, these anti-Trump proposals went down in flames with little debate and low vote tallies, with several opposing members making impassioned arguments that delegates must always adhere to the will of the voters.
Two rule amendments in particular aimed to throw Trump’s nomination into question. The first was a proposal to clarify and reaffirm that convention delegates are indeed bound to vote for the candidate who they were sent to Cleveland to vote for. The second was the so-called “conscience clause,” which would protect delegates from being forced to vote in a manner that would violate their conscience.
For the members most opposed to Donald Trump’s candidacy, the votes were simple: No on binding, yes on conscience.
The vote for binding delegates was 87-12.
— Molly Ball (@mollyesque) July 15, 2016
Conscience clause failed not with a bang, but a whimper..
— Jeff Greenfield (@greenfield64) July 15, 2016
Trump now seems sure to lock down the nomination next week, after the convention is called to order at 1 p.m. Monday.
The presumptive nominee had announced earlier Thursday evening that he was delaying today’s previously scheduled unveiling of his running mate due to the deadly massacre in France.
— Steve Snyder (click here for a link to this post)
3:30 p.m. Thursday
The 74 has just run through the official speaker list for Cleveland’s RNC, and compiled a breakdown of the education positions and accomplishment of 18 top party leaders slated to appear.
Among the elites on the schedule: Senate Majority Leader Mitch McConnell, House Majority Leader Kevin McCarthy, Speaker Paul Ryan, Peter Thiel, and numerous others. (See our complete breakdown of 18 high-profile speakers)
Also set to appear: Newt Gingrich and Mike Pence, a finalist in Trump’s VP search and the presumed running mate himself:
GOV. MIKE PENCE — The Indiana governor, and presumed running mate, has left a conservative imprint on Hoosier education policy in his first term. Under Pence, Indiana first left the PARCC (Partnership for Assessment of Readiness for College and Careers) testing coalition and then dropped the Common Core State Standards altogether. It was the first state to abandon the standards. The changes left state leaders in a bind when it came to testing, and the replacement ISTEP test was plagued with problems.
Pence’s 2012 election coincided with the surprise defeat of reforming state schools chief Tony Bennett. Pence has feuded Glenda Ritz, who defeated Bennett, throughout much of the last four years, including over the state’s new tests.
He’s also been an outspoken proponent of school choice.
Indiana has one of the most robust voucher programs in the country — about 60 percent of children statewide are eligible, and more than 32,000 children used them in 2015-2016, according to the Friedman Foundation, which supports vouchers and other choice programs. At Pence’s urging, state lawmakers in 2015 removed a $4,800 cap on the maximum tuition benefits for elementary and middle school voucher users.
He also pushed for more supports for charter schools. Although legislators didn’t agree to Pence’s proposed funding increase to charters of $1,500 per pupil for out-of-classroom costs, they did set aside a smaller amount, $500 per pupil — but only for top-rated charters.
Pence has also advocated for public preschool — sort of. He urged state leaders to create a small state pre-K program in 2014 but chose not to apply for federal grants designed to encourage the expansion of state pre-K plans. “It is important not to allow the lure of federal grant dollars to define our state’s mission and programs,” he wrote in an op-ed explaining his decision to forego the federal grants. “More federal dollars do not necessarily equal success, especially when those dollars come with requirements and conditions that will not help — and may even hinder — running a successful program of our own making.” (Earlier this summer he switched positions and is now seeking federal funds.)
During a decade in Congress prior to becoming governor, Pence didn’t focus on education, though he did co-sponsor the A-PLUS Act, a proposal that would allow states to take federal dollars with fewer conditions on spending. He also signed onto a “homeschool non-discrimination act” and supported reauthorizing a program that funds vouchers for students in Washington, D.C.
Notably, he voted against No Child Left Behind in 2001.
NEWT GINGRICH — The 2012 presidential candidate offered mostly mainline conservative education ideas during his failed White House bid. He backed what he called “Pell Grants for K-12” — money that parents could direct toward public or private schools. He also said he would “dramatically shrink the federal Department of Education, get rid of virtually all of its regulations.”
Gingrich’s technocratic streak landed him in hot water during the last campaign when he argued that the U.S. should relax its child labor laws and allow children as young as nine to work as janitors in their schools.
“Most of these schools ought to get rid of the unionized janitors, have one master janitor and pay local students to take care of the school. The kids would actually do work, they would have cash, they would have pride in the schools, they’d begin the process of rising,” he said, according to The New York Times. The proposal was quickly derided as “absurd” and “Dickensian.”
(That wasn’t the first time Gingrich argued for paying students. He twice introduced bills, in 1990 and 1991, that would allow schools to use Title I funds “to provide monetary compensation to children for reading and reporting on books.”)
Before he charged back into partisan politics with visions of pre-teen janitorial staffs, Gingrich’s approach was more bipartisan.
He promoted President Obama’s education reform proposals during something of an odd-couple trio tour in 2009 with the Rev. Al Sharpton, the liberal civil rights advocate, and then-Education Secretary Arne Duncan. “Our children deserve a chance to see us come together, to put their future above partisanship and to find a way to take on the establishment in both parties and try to get this solved,” Gingrich said during an appearance on “Meet the Press” with Sharpton and Duncan.
The group made stops in Philadelphia, Baltimore, and New Orleans, arguing for higher expectations and more accountability.
While in Baltimore, the group visited KIPP Ujima Village Academy, which had been unable to come to an agreement with the local union over paying teachers more to work longer schools days — one of KIPP’s core practices. Gingrich called the Maryland law that requires charters to comply with existing collective bargaining contracts “destructive” and said “it ought to be changed,” the Washington Post reported.
Read our full report on all 18 high-profile RNC speakers.
— Carolyn Phenicie
2 p.m. Thursday
Education should be at the heart of any debate about the future of this country — and yet there’s been almost no attention paid to education policy during this campaign cycle. That’s why The 74 and Bellwether Education Partners are teaming up to co-host the #EDlection2016 Convention Live Blog — showcasing the conversations we should be having about education.
From Cleveland to Philadelphia, all the way through July 29, we’ll be live blogging and analyzing the speeches, announcements and votes, featuring a wide range of voices and perspectives across constituencies and political parties.
If the candidates and their parties won’t talk about education, plenty of informed people will.
It’s up to us to drive the conversation, and get beyond polarizing and simplistic rhetoric to the real substantive dialogue our students deserve. Whether Republican, Democrat or independent, all of us know that our education system is failing too many Americans — especially those who need it the most as a gateway to opportunity — and that problem demands attention and action.
We hope you’ll bookmark and refresh this page – and watch for updates @the74 — for a rich conversation about these issues.
— Campbell Brown and Andrew Rotherham
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